Every community has good and bad people ,blaming only Islam for every terrorism act is unjust.
The Hindu terrorists
By I.K. Shukla (source : http://www.truthandgrace.com/Hinduterrorists.htm )
The Milli Gazette (online edition); September 26, 2005
Besides the Hindu terrorists from the well-established training camps in India under the saffronazis, other Hindu mercenaries too are active all over from Ayodhya to Kashmir. The infamous comment made by Lal Kishenchand Advani, the ex-Home Minister of the expired BJP-led NDA government, that Bajrangis being terrorists is a joke, only spurred the brutes of Bajrang Dal in their crime spree. Dara Singh, a Bajrangi, had successfully terrorized Orissa by burning alive Pastor Graham Staines and his two sons.
Advani’s clean chit to the Dal in the wake of this heinous crime made him look more an ogre than a sentient human. George Fernandes, the then Defense Minister, had called it a foreign conspiracy, not a Hindutva crime. That Hindu terrorists have been the backbone of RSS-VHP-BJP-Bajrang Dal, the communal fascist combine, has been evidenced time and time again. Its so-called “trishul-dikshas” (knife distribution) are naked and subversive paramilitary training camps for its militias. Not only are the enlistees given their arms and training but also incantatory lessons in hate and violence against minorities, who, they are told, have to be bloodily extirpated, in order for the land exclusively to belong to Hindus.
This climate of sacred savagery spawned by the saffronazis has successfully spread the miasma of bigoted violence all over. The abundance of firearms freely made available to the HinduTaliban gangsters empowers the anti-socials and prods them to “action”. This is an investment towards routine training in ethnic cleansing and eventually establishing Hindu Rashtra, envisaged by Savarkar and Golwalkar, the prime mentors of assassins, arsonists, thugs and rapists “serving the cause of Hindutva”.
A glimpse of the climate of Hindu crimes rampant is in order. An article, titled Gujarat 2002 Visits Gohana [Haryana] by Shamsul Islam (Milli Gazette,
16-30 Sep. 05, p.8, New Delhi) lays out “Similarities with Gujarat 2002 Carnage”:
• “Dalit houses and properties were burnt by releasing gas from cylinders. Big and well constructed houses were both looted and burnt whereas smaller houses were only looted. The arsonists carried away moveable properties in carts they had brought with them to transport their booty.
• Police and law and order machinery stood as mock spectators. • Only Dalit properties were targeted. If there happened to be a non-Dalit property, it was spared, which means the attackers had full knowledge of the identities of the home-owners. For instance, in Arya Nagar which has mixed population, only Dalit houses were blasted. Likewise, at Samta Chowk market (adjacent to Balmiki Basti), out of around 20 shops only a junk-dealer’s shop owned by a Dalit was looted and completely burnt.
• A hate campaign against Dalits preceded the actual attack on Dalits. Dalit localities were declared to be hotbeds of criminals. The local administration did nothing to discourage or check this activity.
• These were not only Hindu Dalit houses which were burnt but also those owned and inhabited by Christian Dalits were similarly looted and burnt.”
But the “cause” gets served in many ways else too, unimagined by the manic mentors. Below are just a few examples.
1. Ramesh Pande. He was among the terrorists who stormed the Ayodhya temple on 5 July. The state government rewarded his family with a lakh of rupees ex- gratia. More compensation to family members is said to be under consideration.
2. Doctor S.K.Pandita, charged with sheltering militants in Kashmir, along with Pt. Dalip Kumar, arrested, for financing them. Pandita disclosed he carried messages and ammunition to the militants.
3. Sham Lal and Kirpal Singh, in Rajouri-Poonch, belong to Hizbul Mujahideen and Sanjay to Lashkar-e-Toiba, according to SP J.P.Singh.
4. In 2001, Kuldeep Singh, with seven others, killed in an encounter in Chatter Gali, Doda district. Elder brother Randeep Singh is still a commander of the Hizbul Mujahideen, Doda Dist.
5. Bharat Kumar, arrested in Satwari, Jammu City, with arms and ammunition. Trained for four years in Pakistan and Afghanistan.
6. Lal Chand, crossed over to POK in 1997, returned to Doda in 2001 after receiving military training there, according to the police.
7. Police arrested a noted Hindu smuggler, involved in Jammu’s Raghunath Temple attack in 2002,
8. On 9 Nov. 2004, Manoj Kumar Manhas, was one of the 47 militants who surrendered to the army. He revealed he was lured into militancy by Baldev Singh, absconding.
9. Uttam Singh, alias Saifulla, 23, a sector commander with Hizbul Kahmir,slain Aug.19 in an encounter in Jammu. Was in Pakistan five years, trained in arms.
10. Virendar Singh, 25, a Hizbul operative, supplied arms and funds to jihadi colleagues in India, captured in New Delhi.
11. Aug. 24, Hizbul militant Chattar Singh, carrying a pistol and grenades, was arrested in Doda.
12. Shakeel Wani, ex-Hizbul militant, now a fruit vendor in Srinagar, said at least 100 Hindu Kashmiri boys had fought against Muslim militants.
13. Attractive Hindu girls luring Hindu youths into terrorism. The issue of
27 Aug. 05 Jagran, a Hindi daily, runs this story. Nina, 15, is said to have played an important role in making many Hindu youths terrorists. She sent them across the border for training in arms. From the Chingas area of Rajouri, living with a relative, Joginder Singh, she came in contact with Shamsuddin, the district commander of Hizbul, This discomfited Joginder who sent her away to brother Balwan Singh, but she continued her work securing food and shelter for the terrorists in Gujjar homes. From her the police found out many things.
14. Ravi Kumar, Satwari area, arrested while on his way to the border for trainin
15. Security personnel estimate that the Hindu terrorists may be 500 strong.
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Babri report: You actually took 17 years,
Mr Liberhan? >>>>>>>
To be brutally honest, it is a sheer and blatant travesty of "investigation" to take almost two decades to close what was little more than an open and shut case. Leaders were seen inciting mobs to tear down the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya on a day that may have permanently changed for the worse the psyche of large sections of people in India - both in the minority and majority communities.
Come to think of it, BJP and Sangh Parivar leaders were caught on tape, caught on camera and caught in the eyes of thousands of people exhorting frenzied crowds to bludgeon and batter the masjid. Ek dhakka aur do - give one push more - had been the battle cry for many in the Parivar, each as obsessed as the foot soldiers they were leading not just to destroy a place of worship but the very fabric of communal harmony that clothed India.
This case did not need investigative prowess and intelligence gathering acumen as much as it needed the courage of conviction, grand principles of justice, an acute sense of what's wrong and right - on the part of the governments, then and those that followed, and on the part of those handed the enormous responsibility of pinning blame on the clutch of people responsible for what must surely rank as one of India's biggest blotches - along with the anti-Sikh riots of 1984 and the Godhra violence.
It's also startling and reeks of great indifference on the part of respective governments that the Liberhan Commission wasn't given a strict deadline to finish off a probe that always tottered and never walked straight with the determination of direction. Or that MS Liberhan, the former Punjab and Haryana High Court judge, himself wasn't changed when there was little to show for things even after a decade. That the end has come after a staggering 17 years, 48 extensions, 400 sittings and Rs 9 crore of public money is a marvel on its own. This can perhaps be tolerated only in India.
In his defence, Liberhan has said he got little cooperation from people who mattered. Though he added he will not name them right away. We may or never know who these people were, but don't bet on it. Under the Commissions of Inquiry Act, the UPA government has six months to share in Parliament Liberhan's findings and the action taken report. But, as TOI reported today, "tabling of the report in the two Houses will depend on how swiftly the government wants to act on the recommendations".
If you ask me, the government will be in no hurry. Some players in the sordid saga are already dead, others too infirm, yet others have been completely marginalized during the time this report has seen the light of day. Taking action, even if this government gathers the guts to do it, will not mean the same anymore. Justice, like all things else, is only relevant when the injured party is agonizing about it. I get the feeling that the modern Muslim and the modern Hindu just wants to wash his hands of the blot, use a sanitizer to let go of the stench and move on. Good for the country. So, here's hoping a place of worship is never attacked in India again, but in case there is such a tragedy, let's hope the government works on a time frame to deliver its verdict on the sully, if not justice.
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Mr MLA? How much
for man?>>>>>
Anand Soondas Friday June 12, 2009
Gali Janardhan Reddy is a very pious man and he must now think he has just bought a one way ticket to heaven after gifting Lord Venkateswara at Tirupati a diamond-studded crown that came for a staggering Rs 42 crore. Of course, the crown is heavy at 20 kg and would probably break the neck of the God if He ever attempted to wear it.
But then Reddy, Karnataka's tourism minister and Bellary mine baron, doesn't give the impression that he is a very sensitive man. Had he been, he would have set aside most of the money that went into procuring 32kg of 'aparanji (pure)' gold, 70,000 diamonds weighing 4,000 carats and a huge 890-carat emerald from Africa, to some trust that benefited fellow human beings in his impoverished country - a surer ticket, I am sure, to heaven if there be one.
This display of superfluous piety, in stark contrast to the deprivation faced by millions of us all around, merely underlines two very important aspects of our society - the misplaced sense of benevolence and the utter lack of a culture of true charity in India. Why is this so in our country? In January, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation edged past Britain's Wellcome Trust to become the largest in the world, with assets of $21.8 billion. The Microsoft man has given away most of his fortune to those in need and says he will give more.
According to the Chronicle of Philanthropy, Andrew Carnegie donated - to man, not God - $350 million before he died in 1919, a sum that would be worth about $3 billion today. John D Rockefeller contributed $540 million to various organizations before his death in 1937, an amount that would be more than $6 billion today. It would be interesting to know how much our rich, the Ambanis, Mittals, Birlas, Tatas, Hindujas, Premjis et al, have given to the cause of humanity.
This is a problem with Indians. They will look upwards and give money to God to drive away their sins, ensure a safe seat in heaven or a comfortable life in case they are reincarnated, but they will not glance around and dig a well for the thirsty hordes, set up a free kitchen for the hungry millions or build schools for the innumerable illiterates. And there cannot be a greater irony. According to a government census, just Kolkata has about 1, 27,000 of the absolute poor, of which 67,000 have no shelter. Internationally, an income of less than $1 per day per head is defined as extreme poverty. By this estimate, about 45% of Indians are extremely poor. That's half the country, Mr Reddy. If the daily income per head is less than $2, then the family is described as poor. This would mean about 80% of Indians.
Even now, after all these years of "growth", the per capita income is 2,500 per month. For a family of five that boils down to Rs 500 per head, which is less Rs 20 a day for food, shelter and water, forget luxuries like electricity. In the cursed KBK belt of Orissa (Kalahandi-Bolangir-Koraput), people still eat poisonous mango kernels when they are starving and the mortality rate is a highly disturbing 140 per 1,000. But I haven't seen either politicians like Reddy or businessmen exactly lining up to mitigate the misery.
Reddy's offering, and to be fair he's just one of the rich who lavish their wealth on God, has added to a Tirupati kitty that already holds over 11 tonnes of gold ornaments, making Lord Venkateswara one of the richest in the world. That's indeed a very rich God in a very poor country.
One last word, Mr Reddy. I do hope for your sake that you see the Lord wearing your diamond crown strutting away in all glory when you meet your maker. Till then, will you please dedicate your next offering to the poor and hungry.
Also Read
* Minister offers Rs42cr crown at Tirupati temple
* Richest lord of Kaliyuga
* Gali's glittering gift fails to impress devotees
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Soon after the BJP’s resident Humpty Dumpty proclaimed that L K Advani would remain Leader of Opposition not merely for the full term of the 15th Lok Sabha but for the ‘‘next 50-100 years’’, an impish party worker forwarded me an SMS doing the rounds: ‘‘There is a move,’’ it read, ‘‘to name all railway waiting rooms after Advani so people can wait forever without feeling upset.’’
Political defeat can be very cruel, especially for former next prime ministers — to paraphrase Al Gore’s self-deprecating humour. The past three months have been particularly harsh on the man who was once lauded as the ‘‘iron man’’. From being the BJP’s tallest leader and one of the most respected figures in politics, Advani has suffered a steep fall. He has been mercilessly attacked by a former colleague like Jaswant Singh who nurtures a deep sense of betrayal, uninhibitedly lampooned by a frustrated Arun Shourie, deserted by his favourite harbinger of bad advice, and mocked by a Twitter generation that knows only the present. Beset by controversy after controversy, including the one on Kandahar that may make it difficult for him to face Parliament, Advani has seen a dramatic erosion of his moral authority in a party he nurtured with dedication and foresight. In the past 10 days, as the BJP implodes around him, he has even borne the ignominy of being pitied and patronised by individuals of amoebic standing such as ‘Tarzan’. He deserved better.
The irony is that Advani’s unfortunate predicament is largely self-inflicted. On May 16, it was apparent to everyone but the most obtuse that the unequivocal rejection of the BJP and NDA also amounted to the rejection of their prime ministerial aspirant, around whom the campaign was built. True, the battle was never entirely presidential and other factors also shaped the final verdict. But what was certain is that Advani didn’t succeed in attracting incremental votes in the same way as Vajpayee did. If the BJP’s dip from 181 seats in 1999 to 138 in 2004 was occasioned by anti-incumbency, the further fall to 117 seats in 2009 could be attributed to crumbling alliances and the absence of Vajpayee. The reasons for Advani’s failure to give the party a boost can be debated but the failure itself is undeniable.
Advani’s inability to be an electoral magnet didn’t imply that he was only fit for relegation into the dustbin of history; it merely underlined his limitations in one department of politics and that too at a moment in time. In the past, political leaders have been decisively rejected in one election only to make a spectacular comeback in another one. Vajpayee was a casualty in 1984; he became the flavour of the season in 1998 and 1999. Rajiv Gandhi’s fall between 1984 and 1989 was dramatic, as was Indira Gandhi’s rejection in 1977. But none of them ever lost their electoral potential.
Those who persuaded Advani to re-assume the ‘Leader of Opposition’ role argued that a man who the party thought fit for the PM’s job on May 15 couldn’t be junked as shadow PM’s job on May 16. It was a flawed argument. There was never any question of the BJP projecting an 87-year-old veteran in 2014 as its PM candidate. This year’s election was Advani’s last shy at the top job. His failure meant that it was time for a new face.
Advani’s instinctive reaction to the 2009 verdict was right. He wanted to step down from any formal leadership position but not withdraw from active politics. This retreat would have allowed him to use his considerable moral authority to facilitate a smooth transition and, more important, to guide the BJP in a responsible direction. He would have naturally acquired the status of chief mentor and, in effect, been the most important voice in the BJP for the next few years.
By undertaking a line job yet again, Advani miscalculated seriously. He incurred the wrath of those who were never at ease with him in the first place. Today, they are using Vajpayee’s name to take devastating potshots and wound him grievously. Secondly, his decision to bat on allowed the likes of Rajnath Singh to use him as a human shield to undertake sniper attacks on all those he perceives as threats. If someone as small-minded as the BJP president is merrily lighting bushfires, it is because Advani’s moral authority has plummeted.
The BJP wouldn’t have been gripped by debilitating convulsions if Advani had taken a leaf from the lives of Mahatma Gandhi, Deng Xiaoping and even Sonia Gandhi — leaders whose authority never depended on the positions they held. Indians love sacrifice, at least the pretence of it.
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